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Topic: Environmental History: Land Use Patterns, Trinidad (Read 234 times) |
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Karl Ramjohn
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Environmental History: Land Use Patterns, Trinidad
« Thread started on: Jul 17th, 2008, 3:46pm » |
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HISTORY OF LAND USE, POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENTAL IMPACTS
The following outlines the important perspectives which have laid the foundation for the current population distribution and land use patterns in Trinidad, and discusses some of the associated impacts on the natural environment.
Before 1783
The first humans to colonize the island of Trinidad were the Amerindians, who are believed to have migrated from the South American mainland. Evidence of this is supported by common Amerindian place-names in Trinidad and eastern Venezuela, such as Caroni, Caparo, Caura and Tacarigua. This human settlement was on a relatively small to moderate scale mainly in coastal areas and along rivers. However, this represented the beginning of man-modified environments on the island. Presumably, this included the extinction of larger fauna, introductions of useful plants and animals, clearing of forest for cultivation, and water use. The settlements also had waste disposal arrangements as evidenced by "midden" sites, which have been found to contain mollusc shells, animal bones and pottery fragments.
Europeans first arrived in Trinidad in 1498. Large-scale settlement did not immediately take place, however, tobacco was cultivated, followed over the next 250 years by introduced sugar cane and cacao. The impacts of the new settlers were similar to those of the Amerindians but on a larger and more intensive scale. The main purpose of the agricultural colonization of the Americas was for natural resource exploitation to support Spain, and as expected, this perspective encouraged environmental degradation. Spanish towns were founded mainly at existing Amerindian villages: Cumucarapo (Port of Spain), Caroni (St. Joseph) and Naparima (San Fernando), increasing the scale and consequently the environmental impacts of the settlements. Some slave labour was introduced from western Africa to support the relatively small-scale plantation economy established in Trinidad.
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Karl Ramjohn
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Re: Environmental History: Land Use Patterns, Trin
« Reply #1 on: Jul 17th, 2008, 3:47pm » |
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1783 - 1844
The first serious attempts to establish a large-scale plantation economy in Trinidad was in 1783 when the Cedula was declared by the Spanish Crown. This offered land grant incentives to any Roman Catholic settlers. The offer was taken up primarily by French-speaking settlers, who brought large numbers of slaves. This new wave of settlers quickly established large-scale sugar plantations. This accelerated the rate of environmental modification, primarily through forest clearance. The sugar plantations generally dominated the western plains of the island, which were previously covered by tropical deciduous forest. Cacao cultivation continued, mainly by Spanish settlers in the Northern Range, in areas where the natural rainforest had been cleared.
In 1797, the island acceded to the British Crown. The relationship with Britain was primarily administrative; Spanish laws were retained up to 1840, and the economy was controlled by French-speaking settlers. Up to that point, vast areas of the interior were still covered by undisturbed forest, particularly the eastern part of the island. Along the eastern seaboard, agriculture was restricted to a narrow coastal strip at Mayaro (sugar cane) and the Cocal (coconuts). From around 1815, freed former slaves, who had fought on the side of the British in 1812 were settled in Trinidad. They were settled in Company Villages, in the southeast (Moruga and New Grant) and in the northeast (Manzanilla). These Company Villages were the first settlements in these interior areas, initiating the process of forest clearance for agriculture. The settlers at Manzanilla are believed to have introduced rice cultivation to the surrounding wetlands.
In 1838, slavery was abolished throughout the British Empire. In Trinidad, where large tracts of land were still available, many of the former plantation labourers chose to leave the estates, settling or squatting on Crown Lands, especially on the perimeter of existing towns. This internal migration of population, augmented by immigrants from other islands, contributed to additional areas of forest being cleared and other impacts associated with new settlements.
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Karl Ramjohn
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Re: Environmental History: Land Use Patterns, Trin
« Reply #2 on: Jul 17th, 2008, 3:48pm » |
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1845 - 1917
Subsequent to 1838, there were severe labour shortages on the sugar estates. In order to secure a steady and reliable wage labour system, free immigration schemes were established. These included Africans, Madeirans, Chinese and Europeans. Generally, these schemes were unsuccessful, and were soon abandoned for large-scale East Indian immigration. Between 1845 and 1917, more than 140,000 immigrants were contracted to Trinidad, mainly from Uttar Pradesh and Bihar in the north, and in later years from Tamil Nadu in the south. One of the main driving forces behind this immigration was rural poverty conditions, to some extent caused by environmental degradation resulting from unsustainable agricultural practices on the fertile Gangetic plains.
These immigrants were generally given 5 year contracts to work on the sugar estates of central and south Trinidad and to a lesser extent in cacao and coconuts. This stable labour base was responsible for the expansion of the sugar industry in the latter half of the 19th century. Agriculture was also diversified by the introduction of new crops and new techniques. The majority of time-expired indentured labourers chose to stay in Trinidad and established villages in sugar producing areas such as Aranjuez, Curepe and Arouca in north Trinidad, Caroni, Chaguanas and Couva in the west central area and Princes Town, Barrackpore and Debe in the south of the island.
While on contract, the accommodation of labourers was on estates and this did not normally require clearance of forest. However, water supply and water use were an issue, particularly in the southern part of the island. A number of ponds and small dams were established to secure water for domestic, agricultural and livestock purposes, in addition to the reservoirs located at sugar refineries. Several of these still exist in the Debe, Barrackpore and Roussillac areas. While these shallow ponds are no longer important for domestic water supply, a number of villages have developed around the ponds, which are still used for agriculture, livestock and recreation.
Settlement also took place outside of the sugar areas, by Indian immigrants who worked on the cacao estates. This was generally in existing villages which were populated by "Cocoa-pagnols" (of mixed Spanish, African and Amerindian origin), such as south of Arima (San Rafael, Talparo and Las Lomas), south of Sangre Grande (Cumuto and Tamana), Tabaquite, Rio Claro and Siparia. Cacao estates were generally located in rainforest areas and new populations further impacted on the remaining forests. In such areas as Fyzabad and Penal, new settlements of time-expired immigrants were established primarily for cacao cultivation (new forest clearance).
In some areas from which immigrants had originated, rice was the staple crop. No large-scale rice farming was done in Trinidad at that time, and some immigrants settled in areas where rice cultivation was possible, such as on the margins of wetlands. This took place on the edges of the Caroni Swamp (Felicity and Cancandee), the Oropouce Lagoon (La Fortune, San Francique and Debe) and at Nariva (Plum Mitan, Biche and Navet). This was generally at a subsistence level to supply community needs, and as such did not interfere extensively with the overall ecological functions of the wetlands.
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Karl Ramjohn
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Re: Environmental History: Land Use Patterns, Trin
« Reply #3 on: Jul 17th, 2008, 3:49pm » |
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Transport Linkages and Settlements
In Trinidad, major transport linkages have played a role in determining the location of settlements and population distribution. For "pioneer" settlements, a river not only supplies water, but also provides a convenient access route to interior areas, by following the river course through forested areas. This subsequently evolves into a road along the riverbank. An example is the Guaracara Tabaquite Road, which leads from San Fernando to the Montserrat Hills and has developed along the Guaracara River. This access route along a freshwater supply allowed the agricultural exploitation of interior areas, resulting in settlements developing along and adjacent to the road, such as Gasparillo, Williamsville and Piparo. Several of the valleys of the Northern Range, such as the Maracas Valley have also been colonized in a similar manner.
The original capital of Trinidad was St. Joseph (San Jose de Oruna) founded in 1595, about 10 kilometres from the coast in northwest Trinidad. The only access at the time was by eastward navigation in the Caroni River. This has contributed significantly to the pattern of development of the north of the island. Between Port-of-Spain and Arima, an almost continuous narrow stretch has been settled, concentrated around the Eastern Main Road, which is parallel to, and evolved from, the Caroni River transport route. This is now the densest population area of the island.
The Trinidad Government Railway was introduced in 1876. By 1968 the railway was deemed to be no longer competitive with improved roads, buses and increasing numbers of vehicles and was closed (a short section was still used to transport sugar cane from Barrackpore to the Usine Ste. Madeline sugar factory up to 1997). The railway's purpose was not only as a passenger service, but also to transport produce to Port-of-Spain and manufactured goods to rural areas. The railway had three main routes: Port of Spain - Arima - Sangre Grande, Port of Spain - San Fernando - Siparia, and Port of Spain - Rio Claro. There was also a short line connecting San Fernando to Princes Town.
The routes of the train line were generally determined by existing land use patterns. However, the train line had an effect on the distribution of population and the overall village evolution into urbanised areas. For example, east Trinidad is generally sparsely populated, with administrative centres and population nucleations existing only at Sangre Grande in the northeast and Rio Claro in the southeast. The presence of the main passenger transport and agricultural marketing hub at these two towns made them the focal point for the surrounding districts and hence intensive but spatially restricted urban development occurred. The role played by the railway in the development of areas in other parts of Trinidad would have been less pronounced, as more development had already taken place.
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Re: Environmental History: Land Use Patterns, Trin
« Reply #4 on: Jul 17th, 2008, 3:50pm » |
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Economic Diversification: The Oil Industry
Prior to the establishment of the oil industry, mining was generally restricted to extractive quarrying for building materials. Coal deposits (mainly at Sangre Grande), were not present in sufficient quantity or quality for economic extraction. The first exploitation of hydrocarbon resources was at the Pitch Lake, La Brea, on a small scale for minor uses. Asphalt from the lake was first used to surface roads in Trinidad in 1815, and the spreading of this material over new surfaces represented a new environmental impact, on a small but continuous scale. In 1858, kerosene ("pitch oil") was first commercially extracted from pitch by Conrad Stollmeyer; however, the importance of this industry diminished with the discovery of oil at Pennsylvania, USA.
The first successful oil well was drilled in Trinidad in 1859 by Walter Darwent at Aripero, Roussillac and further exploration was conducted by Randolph Rust and Lee Lum in Guayaguayare forest; however, commercial production did not start until 1908. An oil refinery was established at Point Fortin in 1912 and a second refinery at Pointe-a-Pierre in 1919.
The new industry had a significant effect on population redistribution, land use and environmental degradation. In the early years of exploration, the technology was still in its infancy, leading to severe impacts on the ecosystems surrounding the exploration sites. Frequently, when the oil was brought to the surface, there were problems with controlling the flow, leading to oil inundation of the surrounding lands. This led to the destruction of cacao plantations in areas such as Fyzabad, and impacts on forest ecosystems in Guayaguayare. It should be noted that such impacts would have generally been of short duration. Oil extraction resulted in longer-term stresses, from forest clearance for operations, and building of access roads, together with small continuous leakages throughout the extraction process.
The oil industry resulted in new land use patterns, especially in South Trinidad, where the hydrocarbon resources were primarily located. In the Point Fortin district, prior to 1912, the surrounding settlements were generally small fishing villages at Guapo and Cap-de-Ville. The location of an oil refinery in this area required considerable infrastructure, not only for activities directly associated with the industrial complex, but also a road network for access, transport of products and related services. This led to the founding of the town of Point Fortin, which is a planned urban area, centred around the industrial complex.
Another important outcome of the expansion of the oil industry in the early 20th century was the need for large numbers of workers for the oil fields and refineries. This encouraged large-scale immigration of population from the islands of the eastern Caribbean, particularly from Grenada and St. Vincent. Immigration from these islands took place in the form of a steady trickle during the latter half of the 19th century, mainly to eastern Port-of-Spain; however, the availability of employment in the oil producing areas intensified the scale of migration to areas in south Trinidad. At Point Fortin, the immigrants settled in the existing fishing villages and at new villages surrounding the town (Parry Lands, Cochrane and Vance River), with the usual impacts on the surrounding ecosystems. Settlement of these immigrants also occurred at the oilfields close to Fyzabad, and at Palo Seco, Santa Flora and Erin in the vicinity of Siparia. The Asphalt industry and oilfields at La Brea encouraged migration to this village. The change in land use caused by the oil industry caused increases in population in the rural south of the country, and also changed the overall character of the areas, through the introduction of improved infrastructure at strategically located settlements, most evident at Siparia.
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Karl Ramjohn
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Re: Environmental History: Land Use Patterns, Trin
« Reply #5 on: Jul 17th, 2008, 3:51pm » |
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Changing Patterns of Economic Development
The development of the oil industry had a significant effect on the economic development of Trinidad. The oilfields were generally located in rural south Trinidad, and this led to new infrastructure in these areas. It also contributed to improvement in the socio-economic status of many land owners, on whose land oil was located particularly in the Fyzabad, Siparia and Penal areas. This led to a change in character in many areas of the economy: industrial diversification, new employment opportunities and salary increases.
This led to increasing development of purely residential areas, at the existing towns and to a lesser extent at the oil-producing areas (mainly to house expatriate and other managerial workers). In the Port-of-Spain area, large-scale housing development (mainly middle to upper income) took place in the northwest peninsula (Goodwood, Westmoorings and Glencoe), and north of the Eastern Main Road between Santa Cruz and Arima, and at San Fernando at St. Joseph Village and the La Romaine sea-front (formerly a coconut estate with fringing mangrove).
Another effect of the oil industry was a decrease in the economic importance of agriculture. This had a negative effect on certain communities especially around central Trinidad. Cocoa also went into decline; however, this was due mainly to disease in plants and competition from other tropical regions in West Africa. As a result of the new economic development, the rehabilitation of cacao was not a high priority. Some of the land formerly under cacao was converted to other use, including citrus; however, much of it was effectively abandoned, allowing some forest regeneration to take place.
Agricultural decline also led to some migration of rural population to the fringes of urban areas, such as south of St. Joseph. Other factors, such as improvements in education and changing employment patterns (moving away from agricultural dependence) of rural dwellers led to migration to areas closer to jobs (on-going in such areas as Chaguanas and Gulf View). The Government of Trinidad & Tobago also had a role in changes in population distribution, mainly through the construction of low-income housing complexes. Some of these were within existing urban areas; however, others were at abandoned sugar cane land, such as Maloney and La Horquetta in the Arima area and at Pleasantville to the east of San Fernando. The new housing developments did not generally require forest clearance. However, the ecological character changed, particularly in areas formerly under agricultural use. Significant redistribution of population also took place, and large-scale housing developments required infrastructure for dealing with sewage and other classes of urban waste.
Industrial diversification from exclusive oil extraction and refining also took place. Light industry was established at a number of locations including Trincity (Tunapuna) and O’Meara (Arima). The most significant development was at Point Lisas, just south of Couva. An ammonia plant and direct-reduced iron plant were established in the 1960’s and 1970’s respectively. These used natural gas as a feedstock or energy source. This gas-based development continued throughout the 1980’s and at an accelerated rate in the 1990’s. This represented a change in land use from wetlands and sugar cane, and significant environmental impacts from construction of plants, operations (effluents and emissions) and harbour facilities.
During the mid-1980’s, a decline took place in land-based oil extraction. This had a major economic impact in the oil producing areas, especially in those without an established agricultural economy. This led to increasing levels of unemployment in several areas of south Trinidad, and substantial population migration from Point Fortin, La Brea and Fyzabad. Attempts to establish gas-based industry in the southwest peninsula of Trinidad are ongoing.
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